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李世默两种制度的传说,下载

小草范文网  发布于:2016-11-17  分类: 规章制度 手机版

篇一:李世默-两种制度的传说

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李世默两种制度的传说 China and the end of meta-narrative

All human societies develop in linear progression, beginning with primitive society, then slave society, feudalism, capitalism, socialism, and finally, Communism! Sooner or later, all of humanity, regardless of culture, language, nationality, will arrive at this final stage of political and social development. The entire world’s peoples will be unified in this paradise on earth and live happily ever after. But before we get there, we’re engaged in a struggle between good and evil, the good of socialism against the evil of capitalism, and the good shall triumph.

It also claims that all human societies develop in a linear progression towards a singular end. This one went as follows.All societies, regardless of culture, be it Christian, Muslim, Confucian, must progress from traditional societies in which groups are the basic units to modern societies in which atomized individuals are the sovereign units, and all these individuals are, by definition, rational, and they all want one thing: the vote. Because they all rational, once given the vote, they produce good government and live happily ever after. Paradise on earth, again. Sooner or later, electoral democracy will be the only political system for all countries and all peoples, with a free market to make them all rich. But before we get there, we’re engaged in a struggle between good and evil.

one-party state is operationally rigid(勃列日涅夫的苏联), politically closed(金氏家族的朝鲜), and morally illegitimate(伊朗). Well, the assumptions are wrong. The opposites are true. Adaptability, meritocracy, and legitimacy are the three defining characteristics of China’s one-party system.

Let us draw to a close this era of meta-narratives. Communism and democracy may both be laudable ideals, but the era of their dogmatic universalism is over. Let us stop telling people and our children there’s only one way to govern ourselves and a singular future towards which all societies must evolve. It is wrong. It is irresponsible. And worst of all, it is boring. Let universality make way for plurality. Perhaps a more

interesting age is upon us. Are we brave enough to welcome it? Thank you .

篇二:从李世默《两种制度的传说》说起

从《两种制度的传说》说起

一个人类社会,两种线性的发展规律,最终指向截然不同的两个方向。资本主义社会和共产主义社会,究竟哪个才是人类社会发展的终点?是否一个必然是另外一个的终点?两大阵营的人都在宣扬着自己的理念和观点。

李世默先生关于“两种制度的传说”的演讲以此问题为起点,面向一群熟悉资本主义民主形式的西方人士介绍了一些社会主义制度的情况,最后对人类社会发展发表了自己的看法:世界上不只有一种政治模式,所有社会也不只有一种归宿,一个时代的精彩在于多元化,而非普世化,我们应该以宽广的胸怀去接受不同世界的精彩。

古人有云:因材施教。意为要根据学习的人的志趣、能力等具体情况要进行不同的教育,切不可模式化地一刀切。对于一个国家也当是如此。一个国家实行什么样的治理制度、政治模式、管理办法等都需要根据这个国家的历史背景、民风民俗和文化氛围进行选择。而最终能够作为判断标准的唯有实践。一切没有经过实践考验的拿来主义、照抄照搬都是不可长久的。在中国的近代史上也曾走过资本主义道路,结果失败了;新中国成立后照搬苏联工业发展模式也没能使人民生活带来新的转机。经过历史实践和时间检验,社会主义制度适合中国的发展,一党专政、多党协商的管理模式适合中国的国情,中国可以吸取他国制度之所长,没有必要因别国之推销而不符实际地改变自己的路线方针。邯郸学步,不得要领,反失故步;东施效颦,不知其美,反遭讥讽。

不管是社会主义还是资本主义民主制度,都有其立根生存之土壤,恰如鱼之于海河、鸟之于天空。每种制度的存在都有其合理性,有其优越性立根,亦有其不足作蛀虫。两利相权取其重,两害相较取其轻。一个国家选择哪种制度,不是要看别人的选择,要看的是哪种制度更能够带来较多的幸福与和平。

宇宙之美在于它的包容与丰富多彩,普世同一是种臆想,强势灌输是种愚昧,走一条顺其自然的和谐之路,方能创福祉于众生。

篇三:两种制度的传说

李世默:两种制度的传说?

China and the End of Meta-Narratives

李:早上好!我叫(Eric Li)李世默,我出生在这里(图示:高楼大厦林立,街道上星光灿烂的上海),喔,不,不是这里,是这里,我出生在“文化大革命”高潮时的上海(图示:文革期间红卫兵游行的场面)。外婆后来告诉我,她当时抱着襁褓之中啼哭不止的我,心惊胆战地听着“武斗”的枪声。

Good morning. My name is Eric Li, and I was born here. But no, I wasn’t born there. This was where I was born: Shanghai, at the height of the Cultural Revolution. My grandmother tells me that she heard the sound of gunfire along with my first cries. 在我少年时,我被灌输了一个关于人类社会发展规律的大故事,这个“元叙事”是这样说的:

When I was growing up, I was told a story that explained all I ever needed to know that humanity. It went like this. 所有的人类社会都遵循一条线性的目标明确的发展规律,即从原始社会开始,经由奴隶社会、封建社会、资本主义社会、社会主义社会,最终过渡到(我们猜猜这个终点是什么?)共产主义社会。All human societies develop in linear progression, beginning with primi

李世默两种制度的传说 下载

tive society, then slave society, feudalism, capitalism, socialism, and finally, (guess where we end up?) Communism!

共产主义社会是人类政治、社会发展的最高阶段,所有的人类社会,不管民族、文化、语言有何异同,或早或晚都将演绎到这一阶段。人类社会从此大同,彼此相亲相爱,永远过着幸福的生活——人间天堂。Sooner or later, all of humanity, regardless of culture, language, nationality, will arrive at this final stage of political and social development. The entire world’s peoples will be unified in this paradise on earth and live happily ever after.

但在实现这样目标之前,我们必须投身于正义与邪恶的斗争,即正义的社会主义与邪恶的资本主义之间的斗争,正义终将胜利!

But before we get there, we’re engaged in a struggle between good and evil, the good of socialism against the evil of capitalism, and the good shall triumph.

当然,这就是从马克思主义发展而来的社会发展阶段论,这一“元叙事”在中国影响甚广。我们从小就被反复灌输了这个宏大故事,几乎融化到了血液之中,笃信不疑。这个“元叙事”不仅征服了中国,也影响了全世界。世界上曾经有整整三分之一人在它笼罩之下。然而,忽然一夜之间,苏联崩溃,世界沧桑巨变。我赴美留学,改宗成为伯克利的嬉皮士,哈哈!

That, of course, was the meta-narrative distilled from the theories of Karl Marx. And the Chinese bought it. We were taught that grand story day in and day out. It became part of us, and we believed in it. The story was a bestseller. About on third of the entire world’s population lived under that meta narrative. Then, the world changed overnight. As for me, disillusioned by the failed religion of my youth, I went to America and became a Berkeley hippie.

就这样,开启了我另一段成年经历,我又被灌输了一个全新的宏大叙事,仿佛我这辈子只经历那一个还不够似的。这个宏大叙事的完美程度与早前的那一个不分

伯仲。它同样宣称,人类社会遵循着一个线性的发展规律,指向一个终极目标。叙事故事是这样展开的:

Now, as I was coming of age, something else happened. As if one big story wasn’t enough, I was told another one. This one was just as grand. It also claims that all human societies develop in a linear progression towards a singular end. This one went as follows.

所有的人类社会,不论其文化有何异同,其民众是基督徒、穆斯林还是儒家信徒,都将从传统社会过渡到现代社会。在传统社会中,最基本的社会单位是家庭、氏族、部落等群体;而在现代社会中,最基本的、神圣不可侵犯的社会单位是原子化的个人。所有的个人都被认定为是理性的,都有同一个诉求:选举权!

All societies, regardless of culture, be it Christian, Muslim, Confucian, must progress from traditional societies in which groups are the basic units to modern societies in which atomized individuals are the sovereign units, and all these individuals are, by definition, rational, and they all want one thing: the vote.

因为每一个个人都是理性的,一旦有了权选举,必然会选出好政府,随后就可以在好政府的领导下,过上幸福的生活,相当于实现大同社会——又是一个人间天堂。

Because they all rational, once given the vote, they produce good government and live happily ever after. Paradise on earth, again. 选举民主制将成为所有国家和民族唯一的政治制度,再加上一个自由放任的市场让他们发财。当然,在实现这个目标之前,我们必须投身于正义与邪恶的斗争,即正义的民主与邪恶的不民主之间的斗争。

Sooner or later, electoral democracy will be the only political system for all countries and all peoples, with a free market to make them all rich. But before we get there, we’re engaged in a struggle between good and evil.

前者肩负着在全世界推动民主的使命,必要时甚至可以动用武力,来打击那些不投票不选举的邪恶势力。(老布什、小布什、奥巴马对自由、民主和选举的发言)上述宏大叙事同样传播甚广。根据“自由之家”的统计,全世界采用选举民主制的国家,从1970年的45个已增至2010年的115个。近20多年来,西方的精英人士孜孜不倦地在全世界奔走,推荐选举民主这一救世良方。

The good belongs to those who are democracies and are charged with a mission of spreading it around the globe, sometimes by force, against the evil of those who do not hold elections.(。。。) Now. This story also became a bestseller. According to the Freedom House, the number of democracies went from 45 in 1970 to 115 in 2010. In the last 20years, Western elites tirelessly trotted around the globe selling this prospectus.

他们声称,实行多党制和全民选举是拯救发展中国家于水火的唯一良药,只要吃下它,就一定会实现繁荣,否则,永无翻身之日。但这一次,中国敬谢不敏。我又被愚弄了一把。。。

Multiple parties fight for political power and everyone voting on them is the only path to salvation to the long-suffering developing world.

Those who buy the prospectus are destined for success. Those who do not are doomed to fail. But this time, the Chinese didn’t buy it. Fool me once? (Laughter)(Applause)

历史是最好的裁判。仅仅30多年间,中国就从世界上最贫困的农业国,一跃而为世界第二大经济体,实现6.5亿人脱贫。

The rest is history. In just 3p years, China went from one of the poorest agricultural countries in the world to its second-largest economy. Six hundred fifty million people were lifted out of poverty.

实际上,这期间全世界80%的减贫任务是由中国完成的。也就是说,如果没有中国的成绩,全世界的减贫成就不值一提。换句话说,所有老的、新的民主国家的脱贫人口加起来,都不及中国一个零头。而取得这些成绩的中国,没有实行他们所谓的选举,也没有实行多党制。

Eighty percent of the entire world’s poverty alleviation during that period happened in China. In other words, all the new and old democracies put together amounted to a mere fraction of what a single, one-party state did without voting.

看,这是我小时候的生活必需品:粮票,上海一时每人每月肉类定额是300克。不用说,我把外婆的份额全给吃了。所以,我禁不住问自己,我眼前画面到底哪里不对劲儿?我的故乡上海,一切都已今非昔比,我自己的事业也蒸蒸日上,新生企业如雨后春笋般发展起来,中产阶级以史无前例的速度和规模在增长。但根据那个宏大叙事,这一切繁荣景象本都不可能出现。

See, I grew up on this stuff: food stamps. Meat was rationed to a few hundred grams per person per month at one point. Needless to say, I ate my grandmother’s portions. So I asked myself, what’s wrong with this picture? Here I am in my hometown, my business growing leaps and bounds. Entrepreneurs are starting companies every day. Middle class is expanding in speed and scale unprecedented in human history. Yet, according to the grand story, none of this should be happening.

面对这一切,我开始做我唯一可以做的事,即研究它!中国的确是个一党制的国家,由中国共产党长期执政,不实行西方意义上的选举。按照当代主流的政治理论,人们据此可以生成三个判断,即这个体制在体制上一定是僵化的、政治上是封闭的、道德上不具合法性的。

So I went and did the only thing I could. I studied it. Yes, China is a one-party state run by the Chinese Communist Party, the Party, and they don’t hold elections. There assumptions are made by the dominant political theories of our time. Such a system is operationally rigid(勃列日涅夫的苏联), politically closed(金氏家族的朝鲜), and morally illegitimate(伊朗).

但这些论断被证明是完全错误的。事实恰恰相反,中国的一党制具有与时俱进的能力、选贤任能的体制、深植于民心的政权合法性,这些是确保其成功的核心要素。Well, the assumptions are wrong. The opposites are true. Adaptability, meritocracy, and legitimacy are the three defining characteristics of China’s one-party system.

大多数政治学家断言,一党制天生缺乏自我纠错能力,因此很难持久。

但历史实践却证明这一断言过于自信。中共已经在中国这个世界上最大的国家之一连续执政64年,其政策调整的幅度超过近代任何国家。从激进的土改到“大跃进”运动,再到土地“准私有化”;从“文化大革命”到邓小平的市场化改革。邓小平的继任者江泽民更进一步,主动吸纳包括民营企业家在内的新社会阶层人士入党,而这在毛的时代是不可想象的。事实证明,中共具有超凡的与时俱进和自我纠错能力。

Now, most political scientists will tell us that a one-party system is inherently incapable of self-correction. It won’t last long because it cannot adapt. Now here are the facts. In 64 years of running the largest country in the world, the range of the party’s policies has been wider than any other country in recent memory, from radical land collectivization(激进的土改) to the Great Leap Forward(大跃进), then privatization of farmland(土地私有化), then the Cultural Revolution(文化大革命), then Deng Xiaoping’s market reform(市场改革), then successor Jiang Zemin took the giant political step of opening up party membership to private businesspeople, something unimaginable during Mao’s rule. So the party self-corrects in rather dramatic fashions.

过去实行的一些不再有效的制度也不断得到纠正和更新。比如,政治领导人的任期制,毛时期,政治领导人实际上是终身任职的。这容易导致大权独揽、不受制约等问题。毛泽东作为现代中国的缔造者,在位晚年也未能避免犯下类似的严重错误。随后,中共逐步实施了领导人的任期制,并将任职的年龄上限确定为68到70岁。Institutionally, new rules get enacted to correct previous dysfunctions. For example, term limits. Political leaders used to retain their positions for life, and they used that to accumulate power and perpetuate their rules. Mao was the father of modern China, yet his prolonged rule led to disastrous mistakes. So the party instituted term limits with mandatory retirement age of 68 to 70.

最近很多人声称,相比于经济改革,中国的政治改革严重滞后,因此当前亟需在政改中取得突破。这一论断实际上是隐藏着政治偏见的话语陷阱,这个话语陷阱预设了哪些变革才算所谓的政治改革,只有实行这些特定的变革才行。事实上,中国的政治改革从未停滞。与三十年、二十年,甚至十年前相比,中国从基层到高层,从社会各领域到国家治理方式上,都发生了翻天覆地的变化。如果没有根本性的政治改革,这一切变化都是不可能的。

One thing we often hear is political reforms have lagged far behind economic reforms and China is in dire need of political reform. But this claim is a rhetorical trap hidden behind a political bias. See, some have decided a priori what kinds of changes they want to see, and only such changes can be called political reform. The truth is, political reforms have never stopped. Compared with 30 years ago, 20 years, even 10 years ago, every aspect of Chinese society, how the country is governed, from the most local level to the highest center, are uecognizable today. Now such changes are simply not possible without political reforms of the most fundamental kind.

我甚至想大胆地判断说,中共是世界第一流的政治改革专家。西方主流的观点认

为,一党制意味着政治上封闭,一小撮人把持了权力,必然导致劣政和腐败。的确,腐败是一个大问题。不过,让我们先打开视野看一下全景。说起来可能令人难以置信,中共内部选贤任能竞争之激烈程度,可能超过世界上所有的政治组织。Now I would venture to suggest the Party is the world’s leading expert in political reform. The second assumption is that in a one-party state, power gets concentrated in the hands of the few, and bad governance and corruption(劣政和腐败) follow.Indeed, corruption is a big problem。but let’s first look at the larger context. Now, this maybe be counterintuitive to you. The party happens to be one of the most meritocratic political institutions in the world today.

十八大前,中共的最高领导机构——中央政治局共有25名委员,其中只有5人出身背景优越,也就是所谓的“太子党”。其余20人,包括国家主席胡锦涛和政府总理温家宝,都是平民出身。再看300多人组成的十七届中央委员会,出身显赫者的比例更低。可以说,绝大多数中共高层领导人都是靠自身努力和激烈竞争获得晋升的。与其他发达国家和发展中国家统治精英的出身相比,我们必须承认中共内部平民出身的干部享有广阔的晋升空间。

China’s highest ruling body, the Politburo, has 25 members. In the most recent one, only five of them came from a background of privilege, so-called Princelings.(太子党) The other 20, including the President and the Premier, came from entirely ordinary backgrounds. In the larger central committee of 300 or more, the percentage of those who were born into power and wealth was even smaller. The vast majority(绝大多数) of senior Chinese leaders worked and competed their way to the top. Compare that with the ruling elites in both developed and developing countries, I think you’ll find the Party being near the top in upward mobility. 问题是,中共如何在一党制的基础上保证选贤任能呢?关键之一是有一个强有力的组织机构,即组织部。对此西方鲜有人知。这套机制选贤任能的效力,恐怕最成功的商业公司都会自叹弗如。

The question then is, how could that be possible in a system run by one party? New we come to a powerful political institution, little- known to Westerners: the Party’s Organization Department.(组织部) The Department functions like a giant human resource engine that would be the envy of even some of the most successful corporations.

它像一个旋转的金字塔,有三个部位组合而成。中国的公务人员分为三类:即政府职能部门、国有企业,以及政府管辖的事业单位,如大学、社区组织等。公务人员既可以在某一类部门中长期工作,也可以在三类中交替任职。政府以及相关机构一年一度地从大学毕业生中招录人员,大部分新人会从最低一级的科员干起。组织部门会根据其表现,决定是否将其提升到更高的管理职位上,比如副科、科、副处、处。这可不是电影《龙威小子》中的动作名称,而是严肃的人事工作。 It operates a rotation pyramid made up of three components: civil service(政府职能部门), state-owned enterprises(国有企业), and social organizations (政府管辖的事业单位)like a university or a community program. The form separate yet integrated career paths for Chinese officials. They recruit college grads into entry-level positions in all

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