篇一：杜鲁门总统就职演讲1949全稿(中英版)
杜鲁门总统就职演讲1949：四项主要的行动方针
Inaugural Address of Harry S. Truman
THURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1949
Mr. Vice President, Mr. Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I accept with humility the honor, which the American people have conferred upon me. I accept it with a deep resolve to do all that I can for the welfare of this Nation and for the peace of the world.
In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers of every one of you. I ask for your encouragement and your support. The tasks we face are difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we work together.
Each period of our national history has had its special challenges. Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past. Today marks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a period that will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world.
It may be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about, a major turning point in the long history of the human race. The first half of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutal attacks on the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars in history. The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to live together in peace and harmony.
The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty, composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears. In this time of doubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will, strength, and wise leadership.
It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim to the world the essential principles of the faith by which we live, and to declare our aims to all peoples.
The American people stand firm in the faith, which has inspired this Nation from the beginning. We believe that all men have a right to equal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the common good. We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought and expression. We believe that all men are created equal because they are created in the image of God.
From this faith we will not be moved.
The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a world in which all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves as they see fit, and to achieve
a decent and satisfying life. Above all else, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace on earth--a just and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freely arrived at by equals.
In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like-minded nations find themselves directly opposed by a regime with contrary aims and a totally different concept of life.
That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offer freedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind. Misled by this philosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learn to their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are their reward.
That false philosophy is communism.
Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and in adequate that he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule of strong masters.
Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral and intellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to govern himself with reason and justice.
Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause, punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state. It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shall produce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think.
Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit of the individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protecting the rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of his abilities.
Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence.
Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change.
Communism holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposing classes that war is inevitable.
Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain lasting peace.
These differences between communism and democracy do not concern the
United States alone. People everywhere are coming to realize that what is involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right to believe in and worship God.
I state these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, but because the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are athreat to the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery and lasting peace.
Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested its substance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restore peace, stability, and freedom to the world.
We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none. We have asked for no privileges we would not extend to others.
We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations and related agencies as a means of applying democratic principles to international relations. We have consistently advocated and relied upon peaceful settlement of disputes among nations.
We have made every effort to secure agreement on effective international control of our most powerful weapon, and we have worked steadily for the limitation and control of all armaments.
We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and fair basis.
Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, we launched the greatest cooperative economic program in history. The purpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthen democracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent can resume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and can contribute once more to the security and welfare of the world.
Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind. We have beaten back despair and defeatism. We have saved a number of countries from losing their liberty.
Hundreds of millions of people all over the world now agree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace.
The initiative is ours.
We are moving on with other nations to build an even stronger structure of international order and justice. We shall have as our partners countries which, no longer solely concerned with the problem of national survival, are now working to improve the standards of living of all their people. We are ready to undertake new projects to strengthen the free world.
In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four
major courses of action.
First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the United Nations and relat(本文来自：WWW.xiaocaoFanwEn.cOM 小草范文网:老布什总统就职演说下载)ed agencies, and we will continue to search for ways to strengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness. We believe that the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nations what are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-government under democratic principles.
Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.
This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behind the European recovery program. We are confident of the success of this major venture in world recovery. We believe that our partners in this effort will achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again.
In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers to world trade and increasing its volume. Economic recovery and peace itself depend on increased world trade.
Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression.
We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreement designed to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area. Such an agreement would take the form of a collective defense arrangement within the terms of the United Nations Charter.
We have already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro.
The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakable proof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armed attack from any quarter. Each country participating in the se arrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense.
If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armed attack affecting our national security would be met with over whelming force, the armed attack might never occur.
I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security plan.
In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to free nations that will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace and security.
Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the improvement and growth of underdeveloped areas.
More than half the people of the world are living in conditions approaching misery. Their food is inadequate. They are victims of disease. Their economic life is primitive and stagnant. Their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.
For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these people.
The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development of industrial and scientific techniques. The material resources that we can afford to use for the assistance of other peoples are limited. But our imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantly growing and are inexhaustible.
I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples thebenefits of our store of technical knowledge in order to help the mrealize their aspirations for a better life. And, in cooperation with other nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needingdevelopment.
Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, throughtheir own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materialsfor housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens.
We invite other countries to pool their technological resources inthis undertaking. Their contributions will be warmly welcomed. Thisshould be a cooperative enterprise in which all nations work togetherthrough the United Nations and its specialized agencies whereverpracticable. It must be a worldwide effort for the achievement ofpeace, plenty, and freedom.
With the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, andlabor in this country, this program can greatly increase the industrialactivity in other nations and can raise substantially their standardsof living.
Such new economic developments must be devised and controlled tobenefit the peoples of the areas in which they are established.Guarantees to the investor must be balanced by guarantees in theinterest of the people whose resources and whose labor go into thesedevelopments.
The old imperialism--exploitation for foreign profit--has no place in our plans. What we envisage is a program of development based on the concepts of democratic
篇二：历任美国总统就职演说的点睛之笔
中国一句成语叫画龙点睛，往往最后一笔最传神。美国新任总统的就职演说也是一样，最值得关注的就是最后一部分，如何让听众情绪high到最高点。当然，我指的是演讲的最后一部分，而不一定是最后一句话，因为美国总统演讲的
最后一句话一般都上帝有关，最典型的一句是God bless you and may God bless America(愿上帝保佑你们，保佑美利坚)，有点像过去中国人说的“万岁万岁万万岁”，只是一个程式。正如毛泽东所说，真正的上帝其实就是人民大众，
美国的总统对这一点也非常清楚，所以演讲的最后总是落脚到美国民众。 直到今天，人们还津津乐道1961年1月20日肯尼迪就职演讲结尾时的点睛之笔：“我的美国同胞们：不要问你的国家可以为你做什么，而要问你可以为你的国家做什么(my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country)”。肯尼迪的那番话对他的美国同胞提出了高标准严要求，而肯尼迪的继承人约翰逊在1965年1月20日的就职演说的结尾则引用了圣经的一句话恭维他的美国同胞：“请赐我智慧与知识，让我得以面对我们的人民。不然，如何能估量出我们人民的伟大呢?”(Give me now wisdom and knowledge, that I may go out and come in before this people: for
who can judge this thy people, that is so great?)
约翰逊之后的总统就是打开中美关系大门的尼克松总统，他两度当选总统，所以有两次就职演说。他在1973年1月20日第二次就职演说的结尾提起了他的前任：“当我站在这里，一个被历史赋予了神圣性的地方，我想到了在我之前曾经站在这里的那些人，想到了他们的美国梦，我知道他们中的每个人都意识到：为了使梦想成真，他们个人的努力远远不够，需要民众的助力(As I stand
in this place, so hallowed by history, I think of others who have stood here
before me. I think of the dreams they had for America, and I think of how each
recognized that he needed help far beyond himself in order to make those
dreams come true)”。
1977年1月20日卡特总统在就职演说中的结尾已经提到了他离任的那一天：“我和你们一样希望，当我作为你们的总统任期结束的时候，人们将会这样
谈论我们的国家：…..”(And I join in the hope that when my time as your
President has ended, people might say this about our Nation：…….)，他的希望包括了很多内容，但都很朴实，这里只举几个例子：每个有劳动能力的人都找到了有价值的工作;不论强弱、贫富在法律面前都人人平等;每个美国家庭都和谐
兴旺。
卡特只担任了一任总统，接任的里根则担任了两届总统职位，他在1981年1月20日第一次就职演讲的结尾讲了第一次世界大战中一个普通士兵的故事。这个士兵的名字叫Martin Treptow，他本来在美国一个小城的理发店工作，大战开始后他应征入伍来到了法国战场。当这位士兵在战场上牺牲后，人们在他的身上发现了一个日记本，里面有这样的“决心书”(my pledge)：“美国必胜。为此，我要工作，我要节俭，我要奉献，我要忍耐，我要热忱地竭尽最大努力去战
斗，就好象整个战争的胜负取决于我一个人(America must win this war.
Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight
cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on
me alone)”。
1989年1月20日就职的老布什在就职演讲的最后也谈到了历史，但是不是像里根那样讲了一个动人故事，而是诗情画意的描述：“我把历史看作是一本有许多页码的书籍，每一页都记录了心想事成的每一天。微风吹过，翻开了新的一页，新的故事开始了(But I see history as a book with many pages, and each day we fill a page with acts of hopefulness and meaning. The new breeze
blows, a page turns, the story unfolds)”。
克林顿在1997年1月20日他的第2次就职演说的最后也使用了诗的语言，但不是像布什一样描述历史，而是展望未来：“我们还看不到我们的后代的面孔，也永远不会知道他们的名字，但是当他们谈论到我们的时候，希望他们会说我们把祖国领进了新的世纪，把有活力的美国梦留给了所有的子孙(May those generations whose faces we cannot yet see, whose names we may never know, say of us here that we led our beloved land into a new century with the
American Dream alive for all her children)”。
2001年1月20日，小布什在他的第1次就职演讲中的最后使用了排比句式鼓舞民心：“永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不完竭，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨，去体现我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严(Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and
every life.)。
小布什虽然说得好听，但是他重树的目标显然并没有达到。8年后，当美国历史上第一位非洲裔总统就任的时候，奥巴马是以这样颇为沉重的语句结束他的就职演说的：“满怀希望和信念，让我们再度穿越冰凌，顶住来袭的风暴。愿我们的孩子的孩子们这样评说：当先辈们当年面临严峻考验的时候，他们没有停下脚步，没有回头，也没有动摇…(With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end,
that we did not turn back nor did we falter…)”。
篇三：曼德拉总统就职演说
曼德拉总统就职演说
陛下，殿下，尊贵的嘉宾，同胞们，朋友们：
今天，我们会聚于此，与我国和世界其他地方前来庆贺的人士一起，对新生的自由赋予光辉和希望。 这异常的人类悲剧太过漫长了，这经验孕育出一个令全人类引以自豪的社会。作为南非的一介平民，我们日常的一举一动，都要为南非创造现实条件，去巩固人类对正义的信念，增强人类对心灵深处高尚品德的信心，以及让所有人保持对美好生活的期望。
对我的同胞，我可以毫不犹疑地说，我们每一个人都跟这美丽祖国的大地亲密地牢不可分，就如红木树之于比勒陀利亚，含羞草之于灌木林。我们对这共同的家乡在精神上和肉体上有共同的感觉，当目睹国家因可怕的冲突而变得四分五裂，遭全球人民唾弃、孤立，特别是它成为恶毒的意识形态时，我们的内心如此地痛苦。
我们南非人民，对全人类将我们再度纳入怀抱，感到非常高兴。不久之前，我们还遭全世界摒弃，而现在却能在自己的土地上，招待各国的嘉宾。我们非常感谢我国广大人民，以及各方民主政治、宗教、妇女、青年、商业及其他方面领袖所作的贡献，使我们取得了上述的成就。特别功不可没的，是我的第二副总统——德克勒克先生。
治愈创伤的时候已经来临。消除分隔我们的鸿沟的时刻已经来临。创建的时机就在眼前。
我们终于取得了政治解放。我们承诺，会将依然陷于贫穷、剥削、苦难、受着性别及其他歧视的国人解放出来。
我们已成功地让我们千千万万的国人的心中燃起希望。我们立下誓约，要建立一个让所有南非人，不论是黑人还是白人，都可以昂首阔步的社会。他们心中不再有恐惧，他们可以肯定自己拥有不可剥夺的人类尊严——这是一个在国内及与其他各国之间都保持和平的美好国度。
作为我国致力更新的证明，新的全国统一过渡政府的当务之急是处理目前在狱中服刑囚犯的特赦问题。 我们将今天献给为我们的自由而献出生命和作出牺牲的我国以至世界其他地方的英雄。
他们的理想现已成真，自由就是他们的报酬。
作为一个统一、民主、非种族主义和非性别主义的南非首任总统，负责带领国家脱离黑暗的深谷。我们怀着既谦恭又欣喜的心情接受你们给予我们的这份荣誉与权利。
我们深信，自由之路从来都不易走。我们很清楚，没有任何一个人可以单独取得成功。
因此，为了全国和解，建设国家，为了一个新世界的诞生，我们必须团结成为一个民族，共同行动。 让所有人得享正义。让所有人得享和平。让所有人得享工作、面包、水、盐分。让每个人都明白，每个人的身体、思想和灵魂都获得了解放，从属于自己。这片美丽的土地永远、永远、永远再不会经历人对人的压迫，以及遭全球唾弃的屈辱。对于如此光辉的成就，太阳永不会停止照耀。
让自由战胜一切。愿上帝保佑南非！