篇一：罗斯福的就职演讲
first inaugural address of franklin d. roosevelt saturday, march 4, 1933 i am certain that my fellow americans expect that on my induction into the
presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation
of our nation impels. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole
truth, frankly and boldly. nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our
country today. this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will
prosper. so, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have
to fear is fear itself--nameless, ueasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes
needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national
life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support
of the people themselves which is essential to victory. i am convinced that you will
again give that support to leadership in these critical days. more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence,
and an equally great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny
the dark realities of the moment. true they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn
tradition. faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more
money. stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their
false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored
confidence. they know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. they have no
vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our
civilization. we may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. the measure of the restoration
lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary
profit. happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of
achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. the joy and moral stimulation of work
no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days
will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be
ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes
hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high
political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and
personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business
which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish
wrongdoing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty,
on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish
performance; without them it cannot live.restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation asks
for action, and action now. hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population
in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution,
endeavor to
provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. the task
can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and
with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing
realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes
and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, state, and local
governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. it
can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered,
uneconomical, and unequal. it can be helped by national planning for and finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards
against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision
of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with
other peoples money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.there are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in
special
session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate
assistance of the several states. the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not
narrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the
interdependence of the various elements in all parts of the united states--a
recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the american spirit
of the pioneer. it is the way to recovery. it is the immediate way. it is the strongest
assurance that the recovery will endure. in the field of world policy i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the
good
neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so,
respects the rights of others-- the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects
the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors. if i read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never
realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take but
we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and
loyal army willing to
action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government
which we have inherited from our ancestors. our constitution is so simple and
practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in
emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. that is why our
constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political
mechanism the modern world has produced. it has met every stress of vast expansion
of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority
may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that
anunprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary
departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
but in the event that the congress shall fail to take one of these two courses,
and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, i shall not evade
the clear course of duty that will then confront me. i shall ask the congress for
the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad executive power to wage a war
against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were
in fact invaded by a foreign foe. for the trust reposed in me i will return the courage and the devotion that befit
the time. i can do no less. we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national
unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with
the clean
we do not distrust the future of essential democracy. the people of the united
states have not failed. in their need they have registered a mandate that they want
direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline and direction under
leadership. they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit
of the gift i take it. 译文： 富兰克林-罗斯福 第一次就职演讲 星期六,1933年3月4日 我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断
地向他们讲话。现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻，我们不必畏首
畏尾，不着老实实面对我国今天的情况，这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去，它会复兴
和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——
一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜
利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身我和你们都要以这种槽神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面
的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了，我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的
收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产
品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。 更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取
微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为
缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起
他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍
增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主
要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定
失败，并撒手不管了，贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径，将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到
人类心灵和理智的唾弃。 幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造性努力时的激
情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些
暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的夭命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，
那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们
就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准。来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念，我们
难怪信心在减弱，因为增强信心只有靠诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任感，忠实地加以维护和无
私地履行职责，而没有这些，就不可能有信心。 但是，复兴不仅仅要求改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。 根据宪法赋予我的职责、我准备提出一些措施，而一个受灾世界上的受灾国家也许需要
这些措施。对于这些措施，以及国会根据本身的经验和智慧可能制订的其他类似措施，我将
在宪法赋予我的权限内，设法迅速地予以采纳。 但是，如果国会拒不采纳这两条路线中的一条，如果国家紧急情况依然如故，我将下回
避我所面临的明确的尽责方向。我将要求国会准许我使用唯一剩下的手殷来应付危机——向
非常情况开战的广泛的行政权，就像我们真的遭到外敌人侵时授予我那样的广泛权力。 对大家寄予我的信任，我一定报以时代所要求的勇气和献身精神，我会竭尽全力。 让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、
珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我
们的国标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。 我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己
的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我
作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。 在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保佑我们大家和每一个人，愿上
帝在未来的日子里指引我。篇二：罗斯福就职演说中文翻译 富兰克林-罗斯福 第一次就职演讲，星期六,1933年3月4日 我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断
地向他们讲话。现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻，我们不必畏首
畏尾，不着老实实面对我国今天的情况，这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去，它会复兴
和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——
一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜
利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。我和你
们都要以这种槽神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难
以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了，我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；
交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销
路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取
微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为
缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起
他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍
增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主
要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定
失败，并撒手不管了，贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径，将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到
人类心灵和理智的唾弃。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造性努力时的激
情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些
暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的夭命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，
那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们
就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准。来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念，我们
难怪信心在减弱，因为增强信心只有靠诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任感，忠实地加以维护和无
私地履行职责，而没有这些，就不可能有信心。 但是，复兴不仅仅要求改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。 根据
宪法赋予我的职责、我准备提出一些措施，而一个受灾世界上的受灾国家也许需要这些措施。
对于这些措施，以及国会根据本身的经验和智慧可能制订的其他类似措施，我将在宪法赋予
我的权限内，设法迅速地予以采纳。但是，如果国会拒不采纳这两条路线中的一条，如果国家紧急情况依然如故，我将下回
避我所面临的明确的尽责方向。我将要求国会准许我使用唯一剩下的手殷来应付危机——向
非常情况开战的广泛的行政权，就像我们真的遭到外敌人侵时授予我那样的广泛权力。 对大家寄予我的信任，我一定报以时代所要求的勇气和献身精神，我会竭尽全力。 让我
们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的
道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的国
标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。 我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己
的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我
作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。 在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保佑我们大家和每一个人，愿上
帝在未来的日子里指引我。篇三：罗斯福就职演说1933年3月4日美国第32届总统罗斯福就职演说这是奉献的日子。值此就职之际，同胞们一定期待着我能够就我国目前所处形势，向他
们做出坦率而果断的说明。现在正是坦诚而勇敢地说出实情、全部实情的最好时机。我们毋
须害怕直面我们目前的困境。我们伟大的国家过去经得住磨难，而且还将复兴，繁荣。因此，
首先允许我表明我坚定的信念，我们唯一应该感到恐惧的是恐惧本身——那种无以名状的、
盲目而不可理喻的恐惧，它阻碍人们做出必要的努力，反败为胜。在我国历史上任何一个黑
色时期，每一位强有力的、真诚的领导人都曾经得到了人民的理解和支持，这是胜利的根本
保证。我深信，在目前的危急时刻，你们必将再次对我们的执政表示支持。 我和你们一起以这种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。
购买力已经萎缩到难以想象的程度；税收增加；人们的支持能力下降；各级政府机关面临着
严重的经费削减；现行的贸易交易途径被冻结；工业企业枯枝败叶般四处飘零；农场主无法
找到销售市场；成千上万家庭多年的积蓄丧失殆尽。更为严重的是，大批失业的市民们面临
着严酷的生存困境，而众多的人们只能以艰苦的劳作换取微薄的报酬。只有盲目乐观的人才
会无视现实的严峻。
然而，我们的不幸并不是由物质的匮乏造成的。我们没有遭受蝗虫的灾害。与我们的祖
先所经受的艰难相比，我们要幸运的多了。而我们的祖先以其坚定信仰和无畏精神战胜了 这一切。大自然的恩泽不断，而人类的努力更使它锦上添花。我 们的门廊前堆满了财富，但是大肆的挥霍却使我们入不敷出。这种后果主要是由商品交
易的巨头们的顽固不化和愚蠢无能造成的。他们已经承认了失败，自动引退了。钱商们的无
耻行径在公众舆论的法庭上受到谴责，并为世人所唾弃。是的，他们曾经努力过，但是他们的努力却无法挣脱陈规旧俗的束缚。面对着信用危机，
他们只是建议发放更多的贷款。他们惯常以利润引诱和控制大众，一旦失去了利润的诱饵，
他们便不惜恩惠并施，声泪俱下地恳求公众重新恢复信心。他们只懂得利己主义的准则。他
们缺乏高瞻远瞩，而没有远见的民族是要灭亡的。钱商们从文明圣殿的高位逃跑了。现在我们可以让圣殿重新恢复传统的信念。恢复的程
篇二：罗斯福的首次就职演说
美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说
1933年3月4日
富兰克林罗斯福就任美国总统之时，美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机，并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。
值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。我们没有必要去躲闪，不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们纳税的能力则已降低；各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少；叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封，看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。
更重要的是，大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题，而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。
但是，我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。我们的祖先笃信上帝，无所畏惧，因而所向披靡，比起他们的艰险，我们还该说是万幸。大自然的施惠不减，而人的努力更是使其倍增。我们手头并不匮乏，然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能，他们承认失败而自动退位。贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪，是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。
他们也的确作了努力，但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。面对着信用的失败，他们的建议却仅是借贷更多的钱。他们失去了利润的吸引力，无法再使人民遵从他们的虚伪领导，于是他们就不惜进行敲诈，痛哭流涕地要求恢复对他们的信任。他们没有预见，而缺乏预见就要使人民遭殃。
钱商们从我们文化庙堂的高位逃走了。我们现在可以使那庙堂恢复传统的信念。能够恢复到什么程度，则看我们对于比金钱利润更高贵的价值观念予以运用的情况。
幸福并不建筑在仅仅拥有金钱上；它建筑在有所成就引起的欢乐，创造性工作所激发出的快感。一定不要在疯狂地追求瞬息即逝的利润中再去忘记劳动给我们带
来的欢乐和精神上的鼓舞。我们在这些暗淡的日子里所付的代价将是完全值得的，如果我们从中汲取教训，认识到我们不应该听天由命，而应该让命运为我们自己和我们的同胞服务。
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，也就不会再相信担任公职和很高的政治地位之所以可贵仅仅在于官高禄厚；同时也必须终止金融业和商业中的一种作法，它常常使得神圣的委托深似无情和自私的恶行。难怪信心在减退，因为只有诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任心、忠贞的维护和无私的作为才能鼓舞信心；没有这一切，信心出就不能存在。
然而复兴并不仅仅要求改变道德观念。祖国要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。
我们的首要任务是给人民工作。我们只要明智而勇敢地承担起来，这项任务并不是不能解决的。部分地可以由政府直接招雇，象战时紧急状况那样，同时通过雇用这些人员来完成急需的工程，从而促进和改组我们自然资源的利用。
与此同时，我们还必须认识到工业中心已经人口过剩，因此应尽力把土地提供给最善于耕种的人，一方面使土地得到更好的利用，一方面在全国范围重新分配人口。为了促成此项工作，要采取具体措施提高农产品价值，从而提高对我们城市产品的购买力。要从实际出发制止对小房产和农场取消偿还抵押所造成的悲剧和日益严重的损失。要坚持由联邦和各州以及各地方政府立即采取行动支持大量削减抵押的要求。要把救济工作统一掌管起来以避免目前的分散、浪费和不均的现象。要把一切形式的交通运输扣其他明确属于公用事业的设施置于国家计划和监督之下。总之，可以促成此项工作的方法是很多的，唯有空谈无用。我们必须行动起来，迅速行动起来。
最后，在恢复阶段中，我们需要避免旧秩序弊端重新出现的两项保证：必须严格监督一切银行储蓄、信贷和投资，以制止利用他人存款进行投机的活动；必须提供充分而有偿付能力的货币。
这就是我们的行动路线。我即将向新的国会的特别会议提出实施这些路线的具体措施，我还将要求各州立即提供支援。
通过此项行动纲领，我们将致力于整顿财政，平衡收支。我们的国际贸易关系虽然十分重要，但在时间性和必要性上必须从属于健全国民经济的任务。我主张采取切合实际的政策，分清轻重缓急。我一定竭尽一切努力通过国际经济调整来恢复同世界各地的贸易，但是国内的紧急状况是等待不得贸易上的成就的。
国家复兴的这些具体方法，其基本指导思想并不是狭隘的民族主义。我们首先考虑的是：坚持合众国国内的各种因素和合众国各个部分之间的互相依靠——承认美国拓荒精神的传统的和永远重要的体现。这是复兴的道路。这是直接的道路。这是复兴得以持久的最有力的保证。
在对外政策方面，我认为我国应该奉行睦邻政策——决心尊重自己，从而也尊重邻国的权利——珍视自己的义务，也珍视与所有邻国和全世界各国协议中所规定的神圣义务。
如果我对我国人民的情绪体会得正确，尽管我们过去在不能互相依靠时并不理解，我们现在则已经理解到：我们不能只要有所得，也要有所贡献；我们要前进，我们就必须象一支有训练而忠诚的军队那样，为了共同的纪律而乐意有所牺牲，因为没有这样的纪律就不可能前进，就不可能实现有效的领导。我相信我们愿意并且准备为这样的纪律献出我们的生命和财产，因为，只有实现这样的纪律，才能实现为了更高利益而奋斗的领导。我愿意提供这样的领导，保证使这些更高的目标将作为一种神圣义务对我们大家都有所约束，从而产生只有战时才出现过的共同责任感。
作了这项保证之后，我将无所顾忌地领导起我国人民组成的大军，纪律井然地逐一解决我们的共同问题。
我们有从先辈那里继承下来的政府形式，纪律井然地解决共同问题的行动是完全可能的。我们的宪法是简明扼要的，总是可以根据特殊的需要而在重点和安排上有所改变，而无需动摇其基本形式。正是因为如此，我们的宪政才不愧为现代世界所产生的最稳定持久的政治结构。它经受了领土的极度扩张、辛酸的内战、对外战争和国际关系的考验。
但愿正常的行政和立法分权完全足以应付我们所面对的史无前例的重任。然而，史无前例的要求和迅即行动的需要也可能使我们有必要暂时背离正常分权的公开程序。
我准备根据宪法赋予我的职责提出灾难深重的我国在当前灾难深重的世界中所需要采取的措施。这些措施，以及国会根据其本身经验和明智所决定的措施，我都将竭尽宪法所赋予我的权力迅即予以采纳。
然而，万一国会竟不能接受两类中之任一方式，万一全国紧急状况仍然严重，我也将决不回避职责明确向我提出的抉择。我会要求国会准许我使用应付危机的唯一剩余的手段——向非常状况开战的广泛行政权力，就象在实际遭受外部敌人入侵时所应授予我的大权。
对于给予我的信任，我愿意拿出时代所要求于我的勇气和坚贞。我决不会有负众望。
我们瞻望前途的艰苦时日，深感国家统一所给予我们的温暖和勇气，明确必须遵循传统的宝贵道德观念，坚信不分老幼克尽其责必能取得圆满成功。我们务使国民生计获得全面和长久的保证。
我们对基本民主的未来并未失去信念。合众国的人民并未气馁。在困难中，他们作为选民提出的要求是直接而有力的行动。他们要求的是有领导的纪律和方向。他们已经选择我来作为实现他们愿望的工具。我也是以这样的精神来担当的。
值此全国奉献之际，我们恳请上帝赐福。祝愿上帝保佑我们全体和每一个人。祝愿上帝指引我前进。
（录自《罗斯福选集》，第14——18页。）
篇三：罗斯福总统就职演说
First Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roosevelt
SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, ueasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of
mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We
may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in busi
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources.
Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to
provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and
supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly.
Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people's money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
There are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special
session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the several States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good
neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others-- the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to
sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an
unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean
satisfaction that comes from the stem performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.
译文：
富兰克林-罗斯福 第一次就职演讲
星期六,1933年3月4日
我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻，我们不必畏首畏尾，不着老实实面对我国今天的情况，这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。 我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身
我和你们都要以这种槽神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了，我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败，并撒手不管了，贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径，将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵和理智的唾弃。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造性努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的夭命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准。来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念，我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为，难怪信心在减弱，因为增强信心只有靠诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任感，忠实地加以维护和无私地履行职责，而没有这些，就不可能有信心。
但是，复兴不仅仅要求改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。
根据宪法赋予我的职责、我准备提出一些措施，而一个受灾世界上的受灾国家也许需要这些措施。对于这些措施，以及国会根据本身的经验和智慧可能制订的其他类似措施，我将在宪法赋予我的权限内，设法迅速地予以采纳。
但是，如果国会拒不采纳这两条路线中的一条，如果国家紧急情况依然如故，我将下回避我所面临的明确的尽责方向。我将要求国会准许我使用唯一剩下的手殷来应付危机——向非常情况开战的广泛的行政权，就像我们真的遭到外敌人侵时授予我那样的广泛权力。
对大家寄予我的信任，我一定报以时代所要求的勇气和献身精神，我会竭尽全力。
让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的国标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。
我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。
在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保佑我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。