篇一：奥巴马在2016白宫记者协会晚宴的演讲英文全文
奥巴马在2016白宫记者协会晚宴的演讲英文全文|附段子解析 "奥巴马最后以致敬篮球运动员科比的方式扔掉麦克风，并说'Obama,out', 大步流星的走下舞台，令人唏嘘。"
美国时间上周六晚间，美国总统奥巴马在他最后一次的白宫记者协会的晚宴上，又一次段子手上身，不但狂黑各大媒体，对Hillary、Trump，Ted Cruz等正激烈竞争总统宝座的候选人们也毫不留情。这篇演讲非常精彩。
CARAOL: Mr.President. The podium is yours.
THE PRESIDENT: You can’t say it, but you know it’s tr-ue.
开场音乐是Anna Kendrick的“When I’m Gone”，这句话是在玩这个梗，因为奥巴马即将卸任（be gone）。
Good evening, everybody. It is an honor to be here at my last — and perhaps the last — White House Correspondents’ Dinner. You all look great. The end of the Republic has never looked better. I do apologize — I know I was a little late tonight. I was running on
C.P.T. — which stands for ―jokes that white people should not make.‖ It’s a tip for you, Jeff.
1, C.P.T是指Colored People's Time，吐槽黑人被说迟到。
2，反击纽约市长Bill de Blasio此前关于C.P.T的玩笑。Bill de Blasio之前在另一个场合迟到，于是开了一个玩笑I am running on CP Time.结果全场陷入尴尬。
Anyway, here we are. My eighth and final appearance at this unique event. And I am excited. If this material works well, I’m going to use it at Goldman Sachs next year. Earn me some serious Tubmans. That’s right.
1，这里吐槽希拉里在高盛（Goldman Sachs）演讲赚了几十万美元的事情。
2，Tubmans这里指钱，因为Tubmans是20美元纸币上的头像。
My brilliant and beautiful wife, Michelle, is here tonight. She looks so happy to be here. That’s called practice — it’s like learning to do three-minute planks. She makes it look easy now.
Next year at this time, someone else will be standing here in this very spot, and it’s anyone’s guess who she will be. But standing here, I can’t help but be reflective, a little sentimental. Eight years ago, I said it was time to change the tone of our politics. In hindsight, I clearly should have been more specific.
1，奥巴马用She就是暗指希拉里一定是下届总统。
2，8年前，他想努力改善一下政治环境（the tone of our politics），后来的more specific吐槽这个环境其实越来越差了。
Eight years ago, I was a young man, full of idealism and vigor, and look at me now. I am gray and grizzled, just counting down the days ’til my death panel. Hillary once questioned whether I’d be ready for a 3 a.m. phone call — now I’m awake anyway because I’ve got to go to the bathroom. I’m up.
全程都在自黑
In fact, somebody recently said to me, Mr. President, you are so yesterday; Justin Trudeau has completely replaced you — he’s so handsome, he’s so charming, he’s the future. And I said, Justin, just give it a rest. I resented that.
Meanwhile, Michelle has not aged a day. The only way you can date her in photos is by looking at me. Take a look.
继续自黑自己显老，而Michelle一点没变。
Here we are in 2008.
Here we are a few years later.
And this one is from two weeks ago.
So time passes. In just six short months, I will be officially a lame duck, which means Congress now will flat-out reject my authority. And Republican leaders won’t take my phone calls. And this is going to take some getting used to, it’s really going to — it’s a curve ball. I don’t know what to do with it.
吐槽自己将要下台（lame duck），大家也越来越不把他当回事了。下面说英国小王子George和他见面时穿着浴袍，就感觉自己被呼了一巴掌。
Of course, in fact, for months now congressional Republicans have been saying there are things I cannot do in my final year. Unfortunately, this dinner was not one of them. But on everything else, it’s another story. And you know who you are, Republicans. In fact, I think we’ve got Republican Senators Tim Scott and Cory Gardner, they’re in the house, which reminds me, security, bar the doors! Judge Merrick Garland, come on out, we’re going to do this right here, right now. It’s like ―The Red Wedding.‖
1，unfortunately在开玩笑其实自己并不想来这场晚宴。
2，吐槽之前提名大法官，共和党迟迟不做反应，所以想bars the door，然后就地解决。
3，The Red wedding是《权利的游戏》里面的梗，看过的都知道场面有多震撼吧：）。
But it’s not just Congress. Even some foreign leaders, they’ve been looking ahead, anticipating my departure. Last week, Prince George showed up to our meeting in his bathrobe. That was a slap in the face. A clear breach in protocol. Although while in England I did have lunch with Her Majesty, the Queen, took in a performance of Shakespeare, hit the links with David Cameron — just in case anybody is still debating whether I’m black enough, I think that settles the debate.
在吐槽自己是不是being black enough，因为他说的那些活动都是很白人的。
I won’t lie — look, this is a tough transition. It’s hard. Key staff are now starting to leave the White House. Even reporters have left me. Savannah Guthrie, she’s left the White House Press Corps to host the Today show. Norah O’Donnell left the briefing room to host CBS This Morning. Jake Tapper left journalism to join CNN. 讲Journalism和CNN做对立，吐槽CNN做的不算是新闻。（画面里的Jake Tapper本人表情好尴尬）
篇二：奥巴马2016国情咨文演讲-中英对照
奥巴马2016国情咨文演讲（双语全文） 当地时间12号晚间，美国总统奥巴马在华盛顿发表了任上最后一次国情咨文，这也是他第八次进行国情咨文演讲。
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:
议长先生、副总统先生、各位国会议员和美国同胞们：
Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.
今晚是我在这里做国情咨文的第八个年头，也是最后一次。我将尽量简而言之。我知道你们中有些人急着回爱荷华州（译者注：两党党内预选进行地）。I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again.
我也理解此时正当大选之季，因此公众对我们今年成就的期望并不高。但是，议长先生，您以及其他领导人去年年末通过了建设性的预算决议，使得工薪家庭减税计划能够长久实施下去，我对此深表感激。因此我衷心希望今年两党能够在一些重要事务上同心协作，比如，推行刑事司法改革，帮助那些与处方药滥用行为抗争的人们。我们很可能会让质疑者们再次大吃一惊。
But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don't worry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun
violence. Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter to hardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they get done.
但在今晚，我打算少谈些像往年那样的发展计划。别担心，我还是有很多计划要谈，比如，帮助学生学习编写计算机代码，以及对病人进行个性化治疗。我将继续推动这些未竟事业的进步。完善有漏洞的移民体系。保护我们的孩子们免遭枪械暴力。继续推行同工同酬及带薪休假，并提高最低工资水平。所有的这一切对于努力工作的家庭们来说依然至关重要；这些仍是我们要做的对的事情。我绝不会放松这些工作，直至他们完成为止。
But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year. I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.
但这是我最后一次在此发表讲话，我不想只谈论来年的事宜。我想关注今后的五年、十年，甚至更久远的事情。
I want to focus on our future.
我更关注我们的未来。
We live in a time of extraordinary change – change that's reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also
economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen
inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.
我们生活在一个充满巨变的时代，这场巨变改变了我们的生活、工作方式，改变了我们的星球和我们在世界上的地位。这种巨变预示着医学将出现重大突破，也会带来困扰着工薪家庭的经济动荡。它为生活在边远山区的女孩们带去教育的希望，却也使远距重洋的恐怖分子得以串通一气策划阴谋。这场巨变能够带来机遇，也会扩大不公。无论我们喜欢与否，这场巨变的进度只会越来越快。
America has been through big changes before – wars and
depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on
change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time, we
overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the "dogmas of the quiet past." Instead we thought anew, and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise
outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people. And because we did – because we saw opportunity where others saw only peril – we emerged stronger and better than before.
美国曾经历过种种巨变——战争，萧条，移民涌入，工人运动，以及民权运动。每一次，总有人告诉我们要畏惧未来。每当美国受到某些组织或者言论威胁，将要失控，这些人就告诉我们要停止变革，并承诺恢复往日的辉煌。但每一次，我们都能够克服恐惧。用林肯的话来说，我们并未遵循“平静的过去时代的信条”。相反地，我们能够用新的思维思考，以新的方式行事。我们巧妙地利用变化，始终将美国的潜力扩展至更广阔的前沿，惠及更多的民众。正缘于此——因为他人眼中的风险在我们看来是机遇——我们变得比以前更强更好。What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation – our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law – these
things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.
过去的真理，现在亦未曾改变。我们的乐观主义与职业道德，我们的发现与创新精神，我们种族多样化和法治信条，这些都是我们作为一个国家所拥有的独一无二的优点，使我们具备了世代繁荣昌盛、国泰民安的一切条件。
In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It's how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health care system, and
reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.
事实上，正因有了这种精神力量，我们过去七年才可能取得进步。它使我们得以从几代以来最严重的经济危机中恢复；是我们改革医疗体系、改造能源部门的动力；保证了我们给予军人和老兵更多关心和福利。也正因为此，我们能够让每个州的人都获得了与所爱的人结婚的自由。
But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with
confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?
篇三：2016奥巴马国情咨文英文版
As prepared for delivery
President Obama's 2016 State of the Union Address
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans: Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the
Union. And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.
I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again.
But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don't worry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write
computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing. Fixing a broken
immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter to
hardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they get done.
But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year. I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.
I want to focus on our future.
We live in a time of extraordinary change?—?change that's reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote
villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.
America has been through big changes before?—?wars and depression, the
influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the "dogmas of the quiet past." Instead we thought anew,
and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people. And because we did?—?because we saw opportunity where others saw only peril?—?we emerged stronger and better than before.
What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation?—?our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law?—?these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.
In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It's how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.
But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?
So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer?—?regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.
First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?
Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against
us?—?especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change?
Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?
And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst?
Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two years of job growth since the '90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And we've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.
Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true?—?and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious?—?is that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long
before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up. Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be
automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise.
Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.
All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy is growing. It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.
For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody. We've made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we've had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.
We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids. And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community
college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.
Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it's not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and
retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at
some point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn't lose what they've already worked so hard to build.
That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important tha
gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law. Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security. Say a
hardworking American loses his job?—?we shouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him. If that new job doesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if he's going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That's the way we make the new economy work better for everyone.
I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.
But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years?—?namely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choice to make.
I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But after years of record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients didn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reason wages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings over
long-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And this year I plan to lift up the many businesses who've figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good for
their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America.
In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. This brings me to the second big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges?
Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn't deny Sputnik was up there. We didn't argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget. We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.
That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We're Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver. We're Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We're every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better world. And over the past seven years, we've nurtured that spirit.
We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more
students and low-income Americans online. We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.
But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade. Tonight, I'm announcing a new
national effort to get it done. And because he's gone to the mat for all of us, on so many issues over the past forty years, I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. For the loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's make America the country that cures cancer once and for all.
Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources.
Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change,
have at it. You'll be pretty lonely, because you'll be debating our military, most of America's business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nations around the world who agree it's a problem and intend to solve it.
But even if the planet wasn't at stake; even if 2014 wasn't the warmest year on record?—?until 2015 turned out even hotter?—?why would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future? Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Here are the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is