篇一：林肯第二次就职演讲
在我现在第二次来到这里宣誓就任总统职位的时候，就不十分必要像第一次就职时那样作长
篇演说了。那时，一篇关于我将采取的方针的比较详尽的说明，似乎是比较合适和理所当然 的。
可是现在，四年任期刚刚结束，在这期间，关于那至今仍吸引着举国上下的注意，消耗着全
民的精力的巨大斗争的各个阶段的任何一个细节，随时都有公告发奉，现在也实在再没有多
少新东西可讲了。关于我们的军事进展情况——它是其它一切的主要依靠所在——，公众也
了解得和我本人一样清楚；而且我相信对所有的人来说都是相当满意和令人鼓舞的。既 然对未来充满了希望，那么在这里也就无意冒昧作出预测了。 也正是在四年之前我就任总统的那一场合，所有的人都在为即将来临的内战惴惴不安。
所有的人都害怕内战——都竭力想避免内战发生。而当我在这里发表就职演说，决定不惜采
用一 切力量，但不用战争，拯救联邦的时候，叛乱分子的代理人却在全城到处活动，力求不
用战争摧毁联邦——力求通过谈判瓦解联邦，分裂国家。——双方都声称反对战争；但可是
他们中的一方却宁愿发动战争也不让这个国家生存下去；另一方也则宁可接受战争也不能眼
看着
国家灭亡。于是战争便打起来了。 在全国人口中有八分之一是黑人奴隶，他们并非遍布在全国各地，而是大部分集中在我
国南方。这些黑人构成一个特殊强有力的权益。大家都知道这权益是导致战争的原因。为了
达到加强、永久化保持和扩大这个权益的目的，叛乱分子甚至不惜通过战争瓦解联邦；而政
府方面，只不过是要求有权限制奴隶制扩大其地域。双方谁也没有料想到，战争竟会达到现
在已出现了这种规模，或持续这么久。双方谁也不曾料到，冲突的缘由可能会随着冲突的结
束而结束，或甚至在冲突本身结束之前，便已终止；每一方都寻求能比较轻易地获得胜利，
战争的结果也不那么带有根本性和惊人。双方都读着同一部《圣经》，祈祷于同一个上帝；每
一方都求上帝帮助他们一方，而反对另一方。这看来也许有些不可思议，怎么可能有人公然
敢于祈求公正的上帝帮助他从别人的血汗中榨取面包；不过，我们且不要论断别人，以免自 己
遭到论断吧。双方的祈祷都不可能得到回应；任何一方的祈祷也没有得到充分的回应。全能
的上帝另有他自己的目标。“由于种种罪过，世界受难了!因为这些罪过是不可避免的；但是，
让那引来罪过的人去受罪吧。”*如果我们假定美国的奴隶制是这里所说的罪恶之一，它按上
帝的意旨是不可避免的，而现在在经过了上帝规定的时限之后，他决心要消灭它，再假定上
帝使得南北双方进行了这场可怕的战争，以作为那些犯下罪过的人应该遭受到的苦难，那么
我们从中能看出有什么地方有悖于信仰上帝的信徒们总是赋于永远存在的上帝的那种神性吗?
我们衷心地希望——热情地祈祷——但愿这可怕的战争灾祸能迅速过去。然而，如果上帝一
定要让它继续下去，一直到奴隶们通过二百五十年的无偿劳动所堆积起来的财富烟消云散，
一直到，如三千年前人们所说的那样，用鞭子抽出的每一滴血都要用刀剑刺 出的另一滴血来
偿还，而到那时，我们也仍然得说，“主的审判是完全公正无误的”。**我们对任何人也不怀恶意，我们对所有的人都宽大为怀，坚持正义；上帝既使我们认识
正义，让我们继续努力向前，完成我们正在进行的事业；包扎起国家的创伤，关心那些为战
争作出牺牲的人，关心他们的遗孀和孤儿——尽一切力量，以求在我们自己之间，以及我们
和所有
的国家之间实现并维护一个公正和持久的和平。篇二：林肯第二次就职演讲(英文) at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is
less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement
somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. now, at the
expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly
called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the
attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be
presented. the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well
known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and
encouraging to all. with high hope for the future, no prediction in regardto it is ventured.
away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the
bondsmans two hundred and fifty years of uequited toil shall be sunk, and until
every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword,
as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said the judgments of the
lord are true and righteousaltogether.
with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god
gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind
up the nations wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his
widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace
among ourselves and with all
nations.篇三：林肯第二次就职演讲 second inaugural addressby abraham lincoln march 4, 1865 fellow-countrymen: at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is
less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement
somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued
expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly
called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the
attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be
presented. the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well
known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and
encouraging to all. with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is
ventured. on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously
directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it; all sought to avert it. while
the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to
saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy
it without war-seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation. both
parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation
survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.
one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally
over the union, but localized in the southern part of it. their slaves constituted
a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. to strengthen,
perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would
rend the union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than
to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war
the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. neither anticipated
that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself
should cease. each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and
astounding. both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his
aid against the other. which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him?fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may
speedily pass away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled
by the bondsmans two hundred and fifty years of uequited toil shall be sunk, and
until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with
the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said the judgments
of the lord are true and righteous altogether. with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god
gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind
up the nations wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his
widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace
among ourselves and with all nations. 林肯第二次就职演说 （1865年3月4日） 一八六四年当林肯再度当选连任总统职位时，美国仍为内战所分裂。当时战争的结果仍
不能确定，而林肯的再度当选，成为北方人民决心作战到底争取最后胜利的一个令人振奋的
表现。一八六五年三月四日当林肯宣誓就职时，局势清楚显示北方即将战胜，战争行将结束。
在这篇就职演讲词中，林肯致力于讨论战后美国人民将面临的重大课题。林肯希望避免一切
过错与惩罚的问题。当他准备实施这项政策时，一个刺客的枪弹葬送了他的崇高理想。 各位同胞：在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中，不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个
时候，对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明，似乎是适当的。现在四年任期已满，
在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中——这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀，还且占用了国
家大部分力量——都经常发布文告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进
展，是一切其它问题的关键所在，各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的，而我相信进展的情
况，可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望，那么我
们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。 四年前在与此同一场合里，所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它，
想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说，竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦，
然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦——他们力图瓦解联邦，并以谈判
的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争，可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存，另一方
则宁可接受这场战争，而不愿国家灭亡，于是战争就来临了。 我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴，他们并非遍布整个联邦，而是局部地分布于南方。这
些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、
保持及扩大这种权益，反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦，而政府只不过要限制这种权益所
在地区的扩张。当初，任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到目前那么大的范围，持续那么
长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止，甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利，都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。
双方念诵同样的圣经，祈祷于同一个上帝，甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一
方，人们竟敢求助于上帝，来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包，这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不
要判断人家，免得别人判断我们。 我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿，而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于
罪恶而世界受苦难，因为罪恶总是要来的；然而那个作恶的人，要受苦难」假使我们以为美
国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一，而这些罪恶按上帝的意志在所不免，但既经持续了他所指定
的一段时间，他现在便要消除这些罪恶；假使我们认为上帝把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方
的头上，作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚，难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒
们所归诸上帝的那些圣德吗? 我们天真地希望着，我们热忱地祈祷着，希望这战争的重罚可
以很快地过去。可是，假使上帝要让战争再继续下去，直到二百五十年来奴隶无偿劳动所积
聚的财富化为乌有，并像三千年前所说的那样，等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血，被刀剑之下所流
的每一滴血所抵消，那么我们仍然只能说，「主的裁判是完全正确而且公道的。」 我们对任何人都不怀恶意，我们对任何人都抱好感，上帝让我们看到正确的事，我们就
坚定地信那正确的事，让我们继续奋斗，以完成我们正在进行的工作，去治疗国家的创伤，
去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀，尽力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间
的公正和持久的和平。篇四：林肯第二次就职演说林肯第二次就职演说 second inaugural address by abraham lincoln march 4, 1865 fellow-countrymen: at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is
less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement
somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. now, at the
expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly
called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the
attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be
presented. the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well
known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and
encouraging to all. with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is
ventured. on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously
directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it; all sought to avert it. while
the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to
saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy
it without war-seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation. both
parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation
survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.
one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally
over the union, but localized in the southern part of it. their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. to strengthen,
perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would
rend the union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than
to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war
the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. neither anticipated
that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself
should cease. each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and
astounding. both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his
aid against the other. fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that thi——ighty scourge of war may
speedily pass away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled
by the bondsmans two hundred and fifty years of uequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another
drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said
the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether. with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god
gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind
up the nations wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his
widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace
among ourselves and with all nations. 林肯第二次就职演说 （1865年3月4日） 一八88年当林肯再度当选连任总统职位时，美国仍为内战所分裂。当时战争的结果仍不
能确定，而林肯的再度当选，成为北方人民决心作战到底争取最后胜利的一个令人振奋的表
现。一八六五年三月四日当林肯宣誓就职时，局势清楚显示北方即将战胜，战争行将结束。
在这篇就职演讲词中，林肯致力于讨论战后美国人民将面临的重大课题。林肯希望避免一切
过错与惩罚的问题。当他准备实施这项政策时，一个刺客的枪弹葬送了他的崇高理想。 各位同胞：在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中，不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个
时候，对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明，似乎是适当的。现在四年任期已满，
在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中——这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀，还且占用了国
家大部分力量——都经常发布文告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进
展，是一切其它问题的关键所在，各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的，而我相信进展的情
况，可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望，那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。 四年前在与此同一场合里，所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它，
想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说，竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦，
然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦——他们力图瓦解联邦，并以谈判
的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争，可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存，另一方
则宁可接受这场战争，而不愿国家灭亡，于是战争就来临了。 我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴，他们并非遍布整个联邦，而是局部地分布于南方。这
些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、
保持及扩大这种权益，反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦，而政府只不过要限制这种权益所
在地区的扩张。当初，任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到目前那么大的范围，持续那么
长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止，甚至会在冲突本身终止以前
而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利，都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方
念诵同样的圣经，祈祷于同一个上帝，甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方，
人们竟敢求助于上帝，来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包，这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判
断人家，免得别人判断我们。我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿，而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于
篇二：新SAT阅读必考建国纲领《林肯第二次就职演说》
智课网SAT备考资料
新SAT阅读必考建国纲领《林肯第二次就职演说》
摘要: 从2016年开始，准备本科赴美留学的童鞋们需要参加新SAT考试。新SAT考试与现行的SAT考试相比，阅读部分的难度更高，因为新SAT阅读中增加了对美国建国纲领的考察，也就是说，如果没读过《独
从2016年开始，准备本科赴美留学的童鞋们需要参加新SAT考试。新SAT考试与现行的SAT考试相比，阅读部分的难度更高，因为新 SAT阅读 中增加了对美国建国纲领的考察，也就是说，如果没读过《独立宣言》，没学过《林肯第二次就职演说》，不知道美国国会的构成和职能，不了解汉密尔顿是谁等等，想读懂新 SAT阅读 是很难的。为了帮助童鞋们克服缺乏背景知识的障碍，本文智课倾心整理了新SAT明确要考察的建国纲领之一，《林肯第二次就职演说》的中英双语版，希望对童鞋们备考新SAT有所帮助~
《林肯第二次就职演说》
Second Inaugural Address
同胞们：在第二次宣誓就职总统的时候，我不必像第一次那样作长篇的演讲了。第一次就职典礼上，较为详尽地叙述我们要采取的方针和道路，看来是合适与恰当的。现在，在我的四年任期结束之时，有关这场至今仍为举国瞩目与致力的大斗争的每个方面，时时有公开的宣告，因此没有新的内容向各位奉告了。我们的一切都依靠武装力量，这方面的进展，大家知道得和我一样清楚。我相信，大家对此颇感满意和鼓舞。我们对未来抱有很大希望，在军事方面就无庸多作预测。四年前我初次就职之际，全国思虑都集中在即将爆发的内战之上。大家对内战都怀有恐惧，都设法避免这场内战的发生。当时我在这个讲坛上发表的就职演说，全部内容就是为了不战而拯救联邦。当时城里的叛逆分子却企图不用战争而摧毁联邦，企图通过谈判来瓦解联邦，瓜分国家所有。双方都反对战争，但其中一方却宁愿战争也不愿联邦毁灭，于是内战爆发。我国黑奴占人口八分之一，他们不是普遍分布于全国各地，而是集中在南部。这些黑奴，构成一种特殊而重要的利益。尽人皆知，这种利益迟早会成为战争的起因。叛逆分子不惜发动战争分裂联邦，以达到增大、扩展这种利益、使之永存的目的，政府却除去要求将奴隶制限于原来区域，不使扩大之外，不要求其他任何权利，双方都不曾预料到战争会有这样大的规模，持续这样久，不曾预料到引起冲突的原因在冲突停止前会消失。双方都寻求轻而易举的胜利，不求彻底或惊人的结果。双方信奉同一宗教。敬拜同一上帝，都诉求上帝帮助战胜对方。说来奇怪，竟有人敢于要求公正的上帝帮助自己去榨取别人的血汗；但我们不要去品评他人吧，以免受到别人的评论。双方的祈求都不应得到满足，也没有任何一方得到完全的满足，因为全能的上帝自有主张。“祸哉斯世，以其陷入故也，夫陷人
于罪，事所必有，但陷人祸矣。”如果我们把美国的奴隶制当成是上帝必定要降给我们的灾祸，这灾祸已经到了上帝指定期限，他现在要免去这场灾祸了。他把这场可怕的战争降给南北双方，是要惩罚那些带来灾祸的人。笃信耶稣基督的人常把许多美德归于基督，我们难道可以说基督的这些作为，与他的美德相悖吗？我们满怀希望，我们热诚祈祷，愿这场惩罚我们的战争早日过去；但假若天意要这场战争延续下去，直至二百五十年来利用奴隶无偿劳动辛苦积聚下来的财富销毁净尽，直至奴隶在皮鞭下流淌的鲜血用刀剑下的鲜血来偿清，如同三千年前古语所说的那样，我们仍然要称颂上帝的判决是公允合理的。我们对任何人不怀恶意，对所有人都抱有善心，对上帝使我们认识到的正义无限坚定。让我们努力完成我们正在进行的工作，愈合国家的战争伤痕，关怀战死的烈士及其遗属，尽一切力量争得并维护我国及全世界的正义的、持久的和平。Fellow-Countrymen:At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress ofour arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the publicas to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging toall. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it;all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from this urgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolvethe Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, butone of them would
make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union,but localized in the southern part of it. Their slaves constituted a peculiarand powerful interest.All knew that this interest was somehow the cause ofthe war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial
enlargement of it.Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against theother.It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must need be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense comet."If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which,having
continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern there in any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him?Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away? Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the
bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of uequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said "The judgments of the Lord aretrue and righteous altogether."With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.
篇三：林肯第二次就职演说__Abraham_Lincoln's_Second___Inaugural_Address
Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address
Fellow-Countrymen:
At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention, and
engrosses the enerergies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.
On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it—all sought to avert it. While the inaugeral address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war—seeking to dissole the Union,
and divide effects, by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came.
One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war, the magnitude, or the duration, which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered;
that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offences! for it must needs be that offences come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh!" If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offences which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South, this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a Living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope—fervently do we pray—that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue, until all the wealth piled by the bond-man's two hundred and fifty years of uequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord, are true and righteous altogether"
With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his
widow, and his orphan—to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations. 林肯第二次就职演说
（1865年3月4日）
各位同胞：在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中，不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个时候，对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明，似乎是适当的。现在四年任期已满，在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中－－这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀，还且占用了国家大部分力量－－都经常发布文告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展，是一切其它问题的关键所在，各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的，而我相信进展的情况，可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望，那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。
四年前在与此同一场合里，所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它，想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说，竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦，然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦－－他们力图瓦解联邦，并以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争，可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存，另一方则宁可接受这场战争，而不愿国家灭亡，于是战争就来临了。
我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴，他们并非遍布整个联邦，而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、保持及扩大这种权益，反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦，而政府只不过要限制这种权益所在地区的扩张。当初，任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到目前那么大的范围，持续那么长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止，甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利，都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经，祈祷于同一个上帝，甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方，人们竟敢求助于上帝，来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包，这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家，免得别人判断我们。
我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿，而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于罪恶而世界受苦难，因为罪恶总是要来的；然而那个作恶的人，要受苦难」假使我们以为美国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一，而这些罪恶按上帝的意志在所不免，但既经持续了他所指定的一段时间，他现在便要消除这些罪恶；假使我们认为上帝把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方的头上，作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚，难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒们所归诸上帝的那些圣德吗? 我们天真地希望着，我们热忱地祈祷着，希望这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。可是，假使上帝要让战争再继续下去，直到二百五十年来奴隶无偿劳动所积聚的财富化为乌有，并像三千年前所说的那样，